The amount of violence in films Essay Example for Free

The amount of violence in films Essay Prompted by some incidents of television and film inspired crimes, the issue of whether the government should control the amount of violence in films and on television has been a contentious discussion. Views on the topic vary greatly. Advocates claim that the practice of controlling the amount of violence in mass media is a brazen violation of the peoples basic right to know the truth of the world. For example, some films contain some violence, but they reflect the things happened around us. Rather than producing negative effects on audience, to some extent, these films educate them. Furthermore, violence in films or on television programs cultivates peoples senses of crisis and responsibility, which makes ordinary people and police work better for public security. Consequently, it is irresponsible and foolish to blame the media for violence in our society. However, opponents argue that violence in films and on television is detrimental to audiences psychology. Taking fantasy for reality, people become aggressive and eccentric. They believe things can be solved by violence. In addition, violence has negative impacts on the stability of society. Research findings reveal that 60 percent of crimes are committed by teenagers after watching films or television which had a large amount of violence. Teenagers are so vulnerable and immature that they cannot judge whether the activities performed in mass media are right or not. As an illustration, a boy killed his younger sister in Australia because he imitated the violent scenes from television programs.

What is popular is not necessarily right Essay Example for Free

What is popular is not necessarily right Essay We are fortunate enough to live in the best democracy in the world. Our society is fantastically tolerant of the enormous diversity of cultures within it. Democracy is fundamentally about protecting minorities. It is not about enforcing the will of the majority on a law abiding, tax-paying minority: at its best that is bullying, at its worst fascism. The huntsmen are undoubtedly a minority. They are becoming persecuted by people who harbour the same sentiments as racists do about coloured people and homophobics about gays. The root cause of these feelings is simple- IGNORANCE. Tolerance and understanding come from education. Education must overcome the knee-jerk hatred exhibited by many anti-hunt lobbyists. The ignorance of most hunt protestors shines through their weak arguments. I do not hunt, it does not appeal to me enough to warrant the expense- both time and money. I can however see the attraction; comradeship, shared excitement, danger, tradition and a deep love of the countryside and animals. I know people who hunt. You only have to see them with their hounds and horses to know the real affection they have for animals. These are decent people, with families and not the faceless, Range Rover driving snobbish elite that the League Against Cruel Sports would have you believe. Hunting with hounds began because it is an effective way of controlling the population of a pest. It remains the most effective way of doing this. Those who advocate other methods are again showing their ignorance, Im afraid. Shooting. This is not as easy as it sounds. Foxes, we all know, are cunning. They have incredible senses of smell, hearing and sight. Their habits are largely unpredictable. This makes getting into a stable firing position without scaring the fox off very, very difficult. The fox is a small animal, making the humane target area (i. e. that which will kill it instantly) very small indeed. On a Stag its small enough, a fox is almost impossible to shoot cleanly. Trapping. Well it doesnt take much brainwork to see how cruel, indiscriminate and dangerous this is. Poison. Again, indiscriminate and painful for the animal affected. If you still do not approve- thats fine and healthy for society. Please think about the point I made at the start of this, unintentionally long, opinion: lets not persecute a small minority, who do not affect the majority of citizens, just because we dont like what they do. I do not like football, or the hooligans that follow it but I do not rant about banning it because at the end of the day it does not really affect me. By making a ban on fox hunting a manifesto pledge the Labour Party is seeking to deny a large minority their liberty and to destroy a proud community in return for short term political gains. I wonder how much influence the i 1 million, given to Labour by the Animal Political Lobby pressure group, bought? Quite a bit, I bet. Education and Tolerance are what I think is needed here.

The Law Code of King Alfred the Great

The Law Code of King Alfred the Great The Law Code of King Alfred the Great The Law Code of King Alfred the Great is the largest and best preserved piece of legal documentation made prior to the Norman conquest of 1066 [1], and the first surviving Anglo-Saxon law code since Ines, nearly two centuries earlier [2], making it an essential document in the study of late Anglo-Saxon law, culture and society. The documents usefulness as a historical source stems not only from its unique existence as a source of law for the Alfredian period, but also from the fact that it was written by Alfred himself; as noted by Wormald, Alfred was the only European king of the Early Middle Ages known to have written books [3], and therefore his Law Codes give historians a unique insight into the political thought of the later Anglo-Saxon kings and the legal system of ninth century England. Alfreds Law Code also reveals much about the character and personality of its author. For example, the fact that Alfred was unique among Early Medieval rulers in his extensive authorship of books and legal documents [4] shows the Kings commitment to learned activity and his understanding of the importance of written record in the efficient and successful running of his kingdom. It is also important to note that Alfreds Law Code was written at a time when no other English king had issued laws for nearly a hundred years [5]. The reasons for this sudden return to the issuing of written law are not expressly stated by Alfred, either in the Preface or Codes themselves, however it can be argued that by issuing his Law Code at such a time, Alfred was showing a genuine concern for the wellbeing of his people, in ensuring fairness and equality for all before the law. Study of Alfreds Law Code also reveals the author to be a pragmatist in his dealing with the law. For example, while it is clear Alfred would rather prevent the custom of blood feuds, he realises that the Anglo-Saxon world is one of violence, and the feud is a necessary, albeit distasteful, part of this. Therefore Alfred does not seek to make blood feuds illegal but instead to regulate them so as to minimise violence and bloodshed.[6] This practical approach to law-making is also shown in Alfreds preface to his Laws, where he states that a man has no need of law books if he judges fairly and equally [7]. However the fact that Alfred is writing this in his Law Code shows that although in an ideal world such a code would not be needed, he accepts that men are only human and many will require guidance as to what is right and wrong. The Law Code of King Alfred the Great is the largest and best preserved piece of legal documentation made prior to the Norman conquest of 1066 [1], and the first surviving Anglo-Saxon law code since Ines, nearly two centuries earlier [2], making it an essential document in the study of late Anglo-Saxon law, culture and society.justice. [9] This theory is also supported by Alfreds own introduction to his translation of Pope Gregorys Pastoral Care, in which he speaks of his respect for the Anglo-Saxon kings of the Golden Age of the 7th Century who not only maintained their peace, morality and authority at home but also extended their territory outside [10]. This suggests that Alfreds intentions in writing his Law Code were born out of a desire to return to a time when, in his eyes, things were better. However Alfreds use of the phrase extended their territory outside [11], should also be noted, as it implies other intentions than those immediately obvious from the accounts of Asser and others, including Alfred himself. Therefore, while Alfred may have been motivated to write his Laws for the good of his people, it is important to remember that the King had other reasons for writing his Code and the laws serve other purposes other than the direct administration of justice. One such unofficial reason for Alfreds writing of his Law Code, it can be argued, was to assert his royal power and ensure the loyalty of his subjects in a legal document that could not be disputed [12], thereby safeguarding his own position and consolidating his hold over the kingdom. This intentional inclusion of laws designed to ensure loyalty from Alfreds subjects can be seen in the wording of the Law Codes themselves, where treason is portrayed as the most unholy and unforgivable of sins only for treachery to a lord they dared not declare any mercyhe [Christ] charged everyone to love his lord as himself [13]. The reference to Christ in this quote shows the severity of the crimes of treason and treachery, as even the mercy of Christ is not afforded to those who commit these sins. The theory that Alfreds Laws were intended to secure his own position, is given weight by the underlying threat of rebellion that was present for much of Alfreds reign, especially in the case of Aethelwo ld, rival to the throne and the son of Alfreds predecessor, who led a rebellion in 899[14], which could have been a direct influence upon the emphasis placed on loyalty to the king and lords found in Alfreds Code. The underlying political agenda of Alfreds Laws is also an important aspect of the text. It is argued by Wormald that Alfreds respectful mentions of the laws of Offa and Aethelbert (previous kings of Mercia and Kent respectively) in his preface to his own laws, and his statement that he is influenced by them in his own law making, is an attempt to remind Mercians and Kentishmen of his concern for their traditions'[15]. This pandering to the traditions of the other English kingdoms suggests that Alfred was subtly attempting to enhance his own power over the rest of England outside of Wessex, ultimately leading to him being accepted as Anglo Rex, the title eventually bestowed upon his successors. However as Pratt reminds us, the fact that Alfreds Law Code contains a political agenda need not make it irrelevant as a source of honest legal intentions [16]. Pratts theory is supported by the inclusion in Alfreds Law Code the laws of one of his predecessors, Ine, whose laws deal primarily w ith theft, trading and agricultural matters. [17] In contrast to this Alfreds laws deal mostly with the breaking of oaths, injuries and sexual offences  [18], and so Alfred can be seen to be filling in the blanks in Ines original laws, therefore honestly trying to better the current legal system. Religious imagery and language features very heavily in Alfreds Law Codes and there are several arguments as to why this is. Wallace-Hadrill argues that the main reason for the sustained religious imagery in the Law Codes is due to the medieval perception that kingship was a divine right and Alfreds use of religious imagery is another attempt to assert his authority and show his right to the throne, thus making any sin committed against him a sin against God. [19] Similarly it is argued that the use of religious imagery by Alfred is due to the lack of an effective way of enforcing the law in Alfreds kingdom and an authority greater than the king or any earthly lord was needed to ensure social order [20]. However it can also be argued that the sustained religious imagery in the Law Codes is nothing more than the product of a deeply Christian society, where the natural law of God forms the basis for all perceptions of right and wrong, therefore it is only natural that religion features extensively in a book of law. In conclusion Alfreds law code is a synthesis of the laws of several other Anglo-Saxon kings [21], along with his own work, created with the intention of codifying and clarifying existing laws, exerting royal authority and promoting the King as leader not only of Wessex but of the English people. Bibliography R. Abels, Alfred the Great: War, Kingship and Culture in Anglo Saxon England (Essex, 1998) J. R. C. Hall, A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (London, 4th ed. 1960) S. Keynes and M. Lapidge, trans. Alfred the Great: Assers Life of Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources (London, 1983) D. Pratt, The Political Thought of King Alfred the Great, (Cambridge, 2007) S. Reynolds, Medieval Law, in P. Linehan and J. Nelson (eds), The Medieval World (Oxon, 2001) A. P. Smyth, King Alfred the Great (Oxford, 1995) E. G. Stanley, On the Laws of King Alfred: The End of the Preface and the Beginning of the Laws, in J. Roberts, J. Nelson, M. Godden (eds), Alfred the Wise (Cambridge, 1997) M. H. Turk (ed.), The Legal Code of Alfred the Great (Boston, 1883) J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (London, 1971) D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents Vol. 1 (London, 1955) P. Wormald, The Ninth Century, in J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo Saxons (London, 1991) P. Wormald, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, Vol. 1: Legislation and its Limits. (Oxford, 1999) [1] P. Wormald, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, Vol. 1: Legislation and its Limits. (Oxford, 1999), p. 265 [2] P. Wormald, The Ninth Century, in J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo Saxons (London, 1991), p.134 [3] Ibid., p. 135 [4] Ibid. [5] J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (London, 1971), p. 148 [6] R. Abels, Alfred the Great: War, Kingship and Culture in Anglo Saxon England (Essex, 1998), p.276 [7] D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents Vol. 1 (London, 1955), p.373 [8] S. Keynes and M. Lapidge, trans, Alfred the Great: Assers Life of King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources (London, 1983), p.45 [9] Whitelock, English Historical Documents, p.331 [10] Keynes and Lapidge, Assers Life of King Alfred p. 25 [11] Ibid. [12] Ibid. p.39 [13] Whitelock, English Historical Documents, p. 373 [14] Wormald, The Ninth Century p. 155 [15] Ibid. p.157 [16] D. Pratt, The Political Thought of King Alfred the Great, (Cambridge, 2007), p. 217 [17] Ibid. p. 220 [18] Ibid [19] Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship p.144 [20] Abels, War, Kingship and Culture p. 277 [21] A. P. Smyth, King Alfred the Great (Oxford, 1995), p. 238

Explorations of Childhood and Duty in “The Chimney Sweeper” and “Casab

Although Blake wrote â€Å"The Chimney Sweeper† featured in Songs of Innocence before Felicia Hemans was ever born, issues relevant to first-generation Romantic authors still pervaded the literary scene when second-generation authors like Hemans finally took the stage. â€Å"Casabianca,† published in 1826, and â€Å"The Chimney Sweeper,† published in 1789, both address a central question: What does it mean to be a child? Both poems examine the duties that children have to society as a whole. While there is an overriding sense of an allegiance to duty in both poems, the poems’ situational irony complicates the relationship between children and responsibility. The final line of â€Å"The Chimney Sweeper† best demonstrates this complicated relationship. The speaker of â€Å"The Chimney Sweeper† concludes by saying, â€Å"So if all do their duty they need not fear harm† (24). However, we as readers have reason to question the validit y of the speaker’s promise since the poem seems to suggest that relief from hardship only comes through death. Through their language, choice of perspective, situational irony, and other features, â€Å"The Chimney Sweeper† and â€Å"Casabianca† grapple with the notion of childhood in order to clarify the complicated relationship between children and duty in society. The poems’ structures appeal to the youth around whom they centered. Each poem has end-rhyming quatrains, which create a nursery rhymesque feel. Both poems have a more or less regular rhythm, which adds to the happy feeling created by the rhyme. However, it is a common occurrence for the heavy content to contrast with the poems’ structure. In order to better understand both poems, it is important to examine why the authors would have chosen to use a structure that contr... ... fair to say that both poems are proponents of both duty and childhood because of their youthful structure and irony. However, each poem is more heavily weighted towards one allegiance or another. Hemans does show remorse for Casabianca’s untimely death, but her choice to present the story from the third person perspective proves that her allegiance is more towards the fulfillment of duty to family and country than the fulfillment of childhood. On the contrary, Blake’s choice to give his child character a first person voice empowers his protagonist and supports the idea that Blake was a bigger proponent of childhood than of duty. Both poems reveal the complicated nature of this issue during the Romantic period, and each poem counters the other to give them both a more multidimensional perspective on the consequences and benefits of preserving childhood and duty.

Lewis and Clark :: essays research papers

â€Å"My response; they do matter!†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Captain Meriwether Lewis and William Clark took the risk of life, limb, and liberty to bring back the precious and valuable information of the Pacific Northwest of the United States territory. Their accomplishments of surviving the trek and delivering the data to the U.S. government, have altered the course of history, but have some Historian’s and author’s stating, â€Å"It produced nothing useful.†, and having â€Å"added little to the stock of science and wealth. Lewis and Clark’s expedition is one of the most famous and most unknown adventures of America’s frontier. What makes Lewis and Clark truly significant historical figures, or not? It depends on your perspective. To the Native Americans, it was the beginning of an end. Their lives will be changed forever by their contact with the fur traders, soldiers, and missionaries that followed in the wake of the Lewis and Clark expedition. Certainly the changes will be gradual, but changes none the less. The changes will be no less profound for European Americans. President Jefferson's orders were far-reaching. While Lewis and Clark did not discover a Northwest Passage or start the western fur trade or overland immigration, they certainly influenced the latter two movements. They provided valuable information about the topography, the biological sciences, the ecology, and ethnic and linguistic studies of the American Indian. The mysteries of the vast area known as the Louisiana Purchase quickly disappeared after Lewis and Clark. Geographic discovery was an essential goal that Jefferson set for the expedition. Lewis and Clark recorded a wealth of scientific knowledge as they noted significant geographic features, made detailed route maps, and recorded their observations of longitude and latitude. Lewis performed most the astronomical duties and Clark charted the course and drafted expedition maps. Jefferson was especially concerned that Lewis and Clark establish good connections with the Indians and carry out linguistic and ethnological studies. Consequently, they held several meetings with the Indian tribes they met on their journey. The Americans wanted to open the door to diplomatic relations and gain access to trading rights with the Indians too. They were instructed to notify the Indians of the new sovereignty of the United States under the terms of the Louisiana Purchase. In making these contacts, they hoped to shift trade away from the Spanish, French, English, and Russian competitors and toward American interests. Lewis and Clark were viewing trade as a long-term venture, while the Indians wanted an immediate exchange or merchandise.

Finding Peace in Death Comes For The Archbishop Essay -- Archbishop

Finding Peace in Death Comes For The Archbishop      Ã‚   Willa Cather's Death Comes For The Archbishop is a novel set in the nineteenth century in New Mexico.   The story follows the adventures of Father Vaillant and Father Latour, two refined French priests on a mission to promote Catholicism in Santa Fe.   The story follows each man's experiences in these unrefined surroundings causing them to go through dramatic changes as they experience the westward movement of the frontier.   Through the struggles and journeys of a host of characters, we discover the underlying tensions of worldly distractions that can create a divided character between oneself.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The first example of a divided character I would like to discuss is that of the cardinals in Rome. It seems as if the heads of the Catholic Church indulge in worldly possessions to fulfill their spiritual desires.   "...I had this wine brought up from my cellar especially to warm away the chill of your twenty Canadian winters.   Surely, you do not gather vintages like this on the shores of the Great Lake Huron?"(9).   These high cardinals seem to have grown devoted to luxuries of life than to God and the Catholic Church.   This behavior contradicts the teachings of Catholicism itself, where worldly matter is not of importance.   This passage constructs a clear warning to the reader, making it clear that these characters seem to have jumped on the bandwagon of globalization, thus at times forgetting their religious ties.   It is hard to say if these cardinals have ever experienced the meaning of true devotion to God, a point of faith where material luxuries have no value.   Latour may be looked down upon to do the hard work of the missions but his experie... ... cathedral, distracting him from his mission to reach the native people.        Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Although Father Latour may possess few worldly desires, one may argue he wants what others can benefit from as well as pleasing himself.   Along his journeys, Latour encounters various people, most associates of the Catholic Church like himself.   It seems as each time Latour detects a sense of deceit in a person, he progresses in his own mission of morality.   When one is trying so hard to embrace and follow the rules and restrictions of religion, as well as enjoy the worldly luxuries, a divided character is created within oneself.   It is not until true and total devotion is committed to ones religion that material things become irrelevant and one can be at peace.  Ã‚  Ã‚      Work Cited:    Cather, Willa. Death Comes for the Archbishop. NY: Vintage Books, 1990.

Response to “Internationalized Civil War” Essay

Karen Rasler’s essay â€Å"Internationalized Civil War: A Dynamic Analysis of the Syrian Intervention in Lebanon† is a highly scientific exploration of what exactly happened when the Syrian military stepped in amidst the internal conflict between the Lebanese Front and the Palestinian Resistance Movement (many other groups were involved at different points, but for simplicity’s sake I will just use these groups as a right vs. left catch-all for the bulk of the conflict). Rasler begins by addressing the idea that, as much rhetoric as has been given to external intervention in the case of internal conflict, much of the studies done and articles published have failed to address the larger issue of not only what the immediate effects of external intervention are, but also what are the long-term reverberating effects on the country that has either sought external aid or had it forced upon them. Rasler cites several questions regarding the effects of external intervention, including whether or not the external aid escalates violence and ultimately prolongs the conflict. What Rasler sets out to do in her essay is create a longitudinal examination of the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1977). Rasler contends that this particular example, being so well-covered in the media and, at the point in time which Rasler wrote the piece, having had enough time pass to study its residual effects, is a solid example to begin with, even if it is not representative of all cases of external involvement in civil wars. She is seeking the extent to which the Syrian military occupation in Lebanon either decreased or increased internal conflict, as well as the long-term ramifications intervention had for Lebanese politics. Rasler begins with four basic hypotheses which she sets to measure against the Lebanese Civil War. These hypotheses are as follows: (1) External military intervention will increase the level and duration of domestic conflict; (2) Military intervention will occur during periods in which the level of internal conflict escalates beyond previously established levels; (3) Military intervention will occur during periods of extreme polarization between domestic political groups; and (4) Military intervention will occur during periods in which cooperation between domestic political groups and the intervening external nation-state are escalating beyond previous levels. After stating her hypothesis, Rasler then begins to collect â€Å"empirical evidence† complete with line graphs stating what her â€Å"findings† were. From here the essay becomes a muddled mess of pseudo-scientific jargon that the reader has no choice other than to believe it because the values and empirical methods used are inadequately introduced or explained and therefore difficult to refute. The problem is, even at the end of the essay, it is unclear whether or not Rasler has succeeded in proving or completing undermining her own hypothesis. Certainly she has revealed some interesting findings, but largely it seems to be not exactly what she thought she was going to unveil. There are several problems with the way this essay presents Rasler’s â€Å"findings† and with the source material in general. First of all, I will address more of what I have previously mentioned: the equations Rasler uses to find her â€Å"empirical evidence† measure such things as social polarization, domestic cooperation, impact of military intervention, and totals of domestic conflict, just to name a few. But never at any point in time does Rasler dedicate any extensive analysis in her essay to an explanation of where exactly these initial figures and statistics (which then got plugged into strange, little-explained equations) came from. It seems as if she pulls these numbers out of thin air, which automatically discredits any of her â€Å"research† because there is no standard for where these numbers came from, how they were initially reported and gathered, what they are measuring to determine things like â€Å"conflicts,† etc. For example, Rasler spends a great deal of time discussing how conflicts were on the decline before Syrian military occupation, and then the amount of conflicts spiked up again immediately following the occupation, only to decrease again to levels lower than before. My question is: how is the idea of â€Å"conflict† being qualified? Is â€Å"conflict† the number of reported incidents of violence in the area? Does it deal with casualties? How exactly is the quantifiable â€Å"amount† of â€Å"conflict† being measured, exactly? But this is never discussed, which means these numbers could just as easily be fabricated and completely arbitrary for all the weight they carry with them. Not only that, but the pages and pages of jargon that follow an otherwise engaging introduction to the study and the greater questions at hand make it impenetrable for the common non-career-scientist reader. It is off-putting and kind of come across almost as if Rasler is saying, â€Å"If it sounds smart enough, no one will question it. † Another problem I see with this, and Rasler herself even addresses it, is that this one solitary conflict cannot possibly account for or be representative of all other conflicts similar to it in which external intervention is sought to ease internal conflict. And even though Rasler does indeed point this out, I feel it is necessary to reiterate because of the framework of the essay. Rasler speaks in terms of generalizations about external military occupations and what their long-term effects are on the country and government, speaking of the importance of a longitudinal study to really dig deeper into those issues. And I agree, wholeheartedly, especially after the way she presented all of it. Which is exactly why this study needed to go so much further than just delving into the details of this one isolated conflict in order to really carry with it any weight or credibility. As far as I’m concerned, this â€Å"study† is really only the beginning of what needs to be a large-scale study to really effectively address the questions being raised. Another issue I took with this particular case study is the idea that 6 years’ time, especially when the conflict is still continuing (in southern Lebanon where Syrian forces cannot invade without threat of Israeli invasion), might not be enough time for an appropriate longitudinal study to be conducted. To really study the long-term reverberating effects on the people and the government, my guess would be that more time would have to pass first. Overall, I believe Rasler’s essay made some interesting points and observations, and was written in an engaging way (when not swallowed up by scientific jargon). However, I think there are some severe errors in her empirical methods that render much of her â€Å"findings† meaningless, and in order for this to be an effective study on the issue of external intervention in civil war conflicts, it needs to be much more all-encompassing and at least provide a series of examples to cross-reference.